एस.जी.आर.आर. इंटर कॉलेज सहसपुर देहरादून के निजीकरण के विरोध में प्रदर्शन

एस.जी.आर.आर. इंटर कॉलेज सहसपुर कि SFI यूनिट ने SFI देहरादून जिला कमेटी के तत्वाधान में SGRR के निजीकरण के विरोध में मुख्य शिक्षा अधिकारी देहरादून एवं SGRR प्रबंधक को चेतावनी स्वरूप ज्ञापन प्रेषित किया |

जैसा कि विदित है कि SGRR प्रबंधक तंत्र ने बिना किसी कारण एस.जी.आर.आर. इंटर कॉलेज के भवन को स्तानातरण कर SGRR Public School में कर दिया | यह एस.जी.आर.आर. इंटर कॉलेज 1954 से ग्राम समाज व् चौधरी व् स्थानीय जनता द्वारा दान की गयी भूमि पर स्थापित है, जिसको सरकारी सहायता प्राप्त है | इस इंटर कॉलेज में 800 निर्धन छात्र-छात्राएं शिक्षा प्राप्त कर रहे थे लेकिन SGRR प्रबंधक कि छोटी सी नियत के परिणाम स्वरूप सैकड़ों छात्र-छात्राएं शिक्षा से वंचित रह रहे है |

उक्त प्रमाण के सन्दर्भ में मुख्य शिक्षा अधिकारी एवं SGRR प्रबंधक ने सोमवार तक इस समस्या के निस्तारण की बात कही है |

इस वार्ता में SFI देहरादून जिला कमेटी जिलाध्यक्ष विपिन जोशी ने मुख्य शिक्षा अधिकारी को इस बात से अवगत कराया कि इस स्कुल में कई वर्षो से विज्ञान संकाय की कक्षाएं संचालित करने का सरकारी आदेश प्राप्त हो चूका है परन्तु फिर भी कोई शिक्षक वहां पर तैनात नही है |

इस वार्ता में सैकड़ों छात्र-छात्राओं के साथ सहसपुर के पूर्व प्रधान सुन्दर थापा, SFI के प्रांतीय उपाध्यक्ष लेखराज, सचिव अभिषेक भंडारी, डी.ए.वी. कॉलेज के छात्र नेता राजेश चौहान, डी.ए.वी.कॉलेज कि पूर्व कोषाध्यक्ष पूनम, शांति प्रसाद, नितिन बौंठियाल, देवेन्द्र रावल, विकास भट्ट, मोईन खान, विपिन पंवार, कुलदीप, संजय, रवि आदि मौजूद रहे |

भवदीय

विपिन जोशी

जिलाध्यक्ष

The Destruction of Education: Prabhat Patnaik

THE NDA government’s appointment of hack loyalists to important positions in the sphere of education has rightly raised concerns about the damage being done to the education system. But this is not the sole source of danger to the system. The era of globalisation of capital brings in its train a process of destruction of education, of which in the Indian context the intrusion of communal-fascism into the sphere of education is an important additional ingredient. This process of destruction, its “how” and “why”, has to be understood in its totality.

Terry Eagleton, the British literary theorist, narrates an interesting anecdote. During a visit to South Korea where he was being shown around a university by its CEO (that is how administrative heads of universities are designated these days), after seeing the swanky gadgets and the gleaming laboratories, he wanted to see where the “critical studies” departments were located. The CEO looked baffled, turned to his aide for enlightenment without success, and then promised: “we shall look into the matter!” All over the world, the role of education for critiquing existing structures so that a more humane society can be built is being undermined. And the chief means through which this is effected is the commoditisation of education, and the associated processes of its privatisation and conversion into a sphere of profit-making.

Of course the private institutions who sell “education” as a commodity for profit, would claim that they are not actually profit-making entities, since their profits are ploughed back into the institution itself. But capitalist firms also plough back their profits, and this does not prevent their being called profit-making. So there is nothing particularly virtuous about ploughing back profits. Profits remain profits whether or not they are ploughed back; and institutions earning profits remain precisely that. They cannot be called non-profit-making just because they plough their profits back into themselves.

One implication of the commoditisation of education has been well understood and much discussed, namely that it excludes those belonging to non-affluent households from getting an education. Of course neo-liberal spokesmen advocating commoditisation of education suggest that even those belonging to non-affluent households can access education by taking student loans; but in a society with no guarantee of employment, education financed by student loans can be the precursor of mass student suicides caused by loan default, exactly the way that there have been mass peasant suicides over the last decade and half. And this very risk involved in taking loans, namely that the resources for paying them back may not be available when the time comes for doing so, would significantly deter potential students from non-affluent families from adopting this course. The conversion of education into a commodity sold by private profit-making institutions therefore has the effect of denying it to the vast majority of potential students in India, all those from non-affluent backgrounds.

But it has two other implications as well which are no less important. One is the destruction of quality. In general, education becomes a commodity when the product of education, ie, the person into whom education enters as an input, becomes a commodity. Now, of course, educated persons have been looking for employment in the “job market” for a long time; so, the “educated”, it may be thought, have become commodities for a long time, and there is nothing new about what is happening now. But this is not true. A commodity is characterised above all by the fact that for the seller it is not a use-value but a pure exchange value, the equivalent of a certain amount of money, or of a certain magnitude of command over other commodities. If the person into whom education enters as an input becomes a commodity, then that person too sees education not as a use-value but entirely as an exchange value, ie, entirely as something that enables him or her to obtain a certain sum of money on the market. And this is what has been happening of late, which underlies the commoditisation of education.

 COMMODITISATION DESTROYS

CREATIVE THOUGHT

In short, when education is commoditised, it ceases to play the role of making students curious, or inquisitive or excited by the exposure to the grand world of ideas. It makes them look upon education as a capsule which they must imbibe so that they can command a better value on the job market. Commoditisation of education destroys creativity, originality, and any desire to go beyond the given, among the students. Since going beyond the given is the hallmark of creative thought, commoditisation of education destroys creative thought. And interestingly, such commoditiSation proceeds at a much faster pace, with far greater virulence in the so-called “newly-emerging” countries like India than even in the traditional bastions of capitalism, the metropolitan countries. This is partly because the former are characterised by a much more aggressive, socially climbing, and politically weighty urban middle class, and partly because, the slate being “cleaner” in the former, new “characters” can be written with much greater ease upon them.

The other implication of commoditisation of education is to make its products, the “educated”, into socially insensitive and completely self-absorbed entities, incapable of any sympathy for the toiling masses. This characteristic in fact comes particularly easily to the “educated” in a society like ours which has been marked by millennia of caste oppression and institutionalised inequality, and where looking upon the toiling masses as “inferior” is almost a habit acquired from birth.

All these characteristics of commoditisation of education serve contemporary corporate capitalism well. The massive squeeze on the working people through the expropriation and displacement of peasants and petty producers, and through an increase in unemployment, underemployment, disguised unemployment, and casual employment, which also has the effect of keeping down the real wage rate of even those few, the so-called “organised workers”, who have not yet become victims of “labour market flexibility”, does not generate the massive resistance it could and should, because it does not attract the requisite support from a socially insensitive and educationally-dumbed down urban intelligentsia. (This insensitivity would doubtless change when the middle class itself is hit by the crisis, which is both inevitable and imminent; but even when this happens, the commoditisation of education would still act in the direction of dampening resistance).

But even though commoditisation of education serves neo-liberal capitalism well, by generally keeping down any intellectual challenge to it, in a period of crisis, such as now, the resistance of the working people builds up nonetheless. To meet this resistance, an alliance with “communal-fascism” becomes necessary for the globalised corporate-financial oligarchy. Such a “corporate-communal alliance” is precisely what underlies the present NDA dispensation. The engineering of “communal” riots, and the bringing about of a “communal” polarisation in crucial regions of the country such as Uttar Pradesh, together of course with the massive bankrolling of its election campaign by the corporate-financial oligarchy, is what brought the NDA to power in 2014. And having come to power it is busy trying to pay back its corporate patrons through cuts in welfare expenditures on the poor, through the “land grab” ordinance (which has already been promulgated three times in contravention of all parliamentary procedures), and through imminent legislation enforcing “labour market flexibility”. As a part of this alliance, the “communal-fascist” forces also get the opportunity to bring their personnel and their ideology into the education system.

The destruction of education in short occurs from two directions, the commoditisation of education, and the “communalisation” of education. The co-existence of these two tendencies in the sphere of education is the counterpart in the realm of education of the corporate-communal alliance that is holding sway in the sphere of the polity. And there is no contradiction between these two tendencies, of commoditisation and “communalisation”.

This may appear strange at first sight. Are we not supposed to be in a “knowledge economy” for which a revamping of higher education is required? And surely such a revamping cannot occur if Hindutva pebbles are being put into the heads of the “knowledge gatherers”, if the distinction between mythology and history is being obliterated, if a contempt for the poor and the marginalised is being implicitly inculcated in them. Surely it is in the interests of corporate capital itself to rein in the Hindutva forces and arrest the process of “communalisation” of education.

DISTINCTION BETWEEN

KNOWLEDGE & SKILLS

This argument however, and indeed much of the talk of a “knowledge economy”, misses an important distinction, namely the distinction between “knowledge” and “skills”. “Knowledge” in the sense of a critical engagement with the world of ideas is not what corporate capital in countries like ours wants. The absence of such knowledge may hold back fundamental research in the natural sciences, but then we can always import the products of such research from the metropolitan countries. Neither corporate capital of the country, nor imperialism, is particularly interested in the promotion of fundamental research within the country, the former because it considers such research unnecessary (it prefers to import the outcome of such research from the metropolis), and the latter because it is interested in preserving the intellectual hegemony of the metropolis (and the intellectual parasitism of countries like ours upon the metropolis). And as far as the social sciences and the humanities are concerned, knowledge in the sense of a critical engagement with the world of ideas is a positively dangerous thing from the perspective of the corporate-communal alliance, for it can only breed Marxist, Ambedkarite, progressive-nationalist, secular-democratic, and women’s liberationist ideas, all of which appear, both to corporate capital and to the Hindutva forces, as part of a “red menace”. (It is interesting that the Ambedkar-Periyar Study Circle, which the Chennai IIT briefly tried to ban to placate the ministry of human resource development, was portrayed in some quarters as being a “red outfit”.)

Corporate capital requires “skills” (as distinct from “knowledge”) which should be available cheap. International capital requires “skilled personnel” in countries like ours who can boost its profits by the lower wages they get compared to similar skilled workers in the metropolitan economies. But the development of “knowledge” in the sense of having institutions where students engage critically with the world of ideas, is distinctly unwelcome, even though the jargon continues to be about the coming into being of a “knowledge economy”.

It is significant that almost every document prepared by the NDA government on education emphasises the need for privatisation, and for a “public-private partnership”. This is precisely because privatisation of education sits well with the “communalisation” of education.

There is a further point here. Both in the government sector, where the “fiscal crunch” is adduced as the reason, and in the private sector where profit-making demands it anyway, the tendency is to have untenured, temporary, or “guest” faculty that is paid a pittance but is worked intensively. The tendency in short is to have a dualism within the faculty, with a few well-paid professors on the one side and an army of underpaid “subaltern” teachers on the other. This again works well for the corporate-communal alliance: the well-paid professors, thrilled with their salary and status and scared of losing them, would be circumspect about adopting any critical stance vis-à-vis the establishment; and the overworked “subaltern” teachers would be victims of insecurity anyway and hence easily cowed down. The erection of such a conformist, dualistic structure however only contributes further towards a destruction of education.

सीबीसीएस में चॉइस किसके लिए

SFI की पत्रिका छात्र संघर्ष के नए अंक में प्रकाशित दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय के डेमोक्रेटिक टीचर्स फ्रंट के सचिव और दयाल सिंह कॉलेज में हिंदी के शिक्षक राजीव कुंवर का लेख

भारत जैसे विविधता वाले देश में उच्च शिक्षा की एकरूपता की योजना का दूसरा नाम है चॉइस बेस्ड क्रेडिट सिस्टम। पिछली कांग्रेस के नेतृत्व वाली सरकार हो या वर्तमान बीजेपी की सरकार- दोनों इस नीति को आगे बढ़ाने में लगे रहे हैं। विश्वविद्यालय की अवधारणा स्वायत्तता पर आधारित रही है। यही कारण था कि भारत जैसे विविधता वाले देश में शिक्षा राज्य और केंद्र दोनों के अनुसूची में शामिल रहा।

अपनी अपनी ज़रूरतों के अनुरूप राज्य और केंद्र की सरकारों ने शिक्षा की नीति एवं प्रणाली बनायी। फिर आज ऐसी क्या ज़रूरत आ गयी कि केंद्रीय सत्ता उच्च शिक्षा को अपने नियंत्रण में लेकर उसे एकरूपता प्रदान करने पर उतारू है ? क्या भारत की विविधता ख़त्म हो गयी है ? पिछले कुछ सालों से लगातार एक बात दुहरायी जा रही है कि हमारे विश्वविद्यालय दुनिया के 200 और 400 विश्वविद्यालयों की लिस्ट में कहीं नहीं हैं। सो उच्च शिक्षा में सुधार की ज़रूरत है। तब सवाल यह है कि क्या इन सुधारों की वजह उच्च शिक्षा के स्तर को ऊपर उठाना है ? एक और बात कही जा रही है कि अभी की शिक्षा प्रणाली से जो विद्यार्थी निकल रहे हैं वह आज के बाज़ार के लिए योग्य नहीं हैं। सो आज के बाज़ार के अनुरूप योग्यता को ध्यान में रखते हुए उच्च शिक्षा में परिवर्तन या सुधार की ज़रूरत है। ये सभी सवाल गंभीर हैं। सो देखना ज़रूरी है कि इन सभी सवालों का क्या गंभीर जवाब है यह चॉइस बेस्ड क्रेडिट सिस्टम ? इसके लिए पहले हमें यह जानना ज़रूरी है कि चॉइस बेस्ड क्रेडिट सिस्टम है क्या ?अभी दो महीने पहले मानव संसाधन मंत्रालय ने 2015 के नए सत्र से सभी केंद्रीय विश्वविद्यालयों को CBCS लागू करने का निर्देश दिया है। महत्त्वपूर्ण है कि दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय जैसे बड़े संस्था में जहाँ 75 कॉलेज हैं और 55 हजार विद्यार्थियों का दाखिला प्रति वर्ष लिया जाता है - अभी तक शिक्षकों से इसकी चर्चा भी शुरू नहीं हुयी है। नामांकन की प्रक्रिया शुरू हो गयी है और किसी को कुछ भी पता नहीं है कि क्या होने वाला है। 2013 में इसी तरह से FYUP लाया गया था। जिसे काफी विरोध के बाद 2014 में वापस ले लिया गया। उसके पहले 2009 में सेमेस्टर प्रणाली को भयानक विरोध के बावजूद थोप दिया गया। यानि कुलमिलाकर देखें तो 2008 से ही 'सुधार' की प्रक्रिया शुरू हो गयी। जबरदस्त विरोध की वजह से टुकड़ों में CBCS को लागू करने की प्रक्रिया जारी है। 2009 के केंद्रीय विश्वविद्यालयों के लिए बने एक्ट में ही इस CBCS को डाल दिया गया। बाकी के विश्वविद्यालयों को यू.जी.सी. ने 2008 में निर्देश भेजा जिसमें सेमेस्टर प्रणाली और CBCS लागू करने के लिए कहा गया था। चुकी इसे UGC ने अनुदान से जोड़ दिया सो अधिकांश विश्वविद्यालयों ने सेमेस्टर को अपना लिया। आज हिमाचल हो या मध्यप्रदेश, केरल हो या तमिलनाडु सब जगह इसका विरोध हो रहा है। जहाँ साल में एक बार परीक्षा लेकर रिजल्ट देना ही चुनौती थी, वहाँ अब दो बार परीक्षा बस दिखावा होकर रह गया है। अधिकांश राज्यों में अब मात्र नामांकन हो रहा है और परीक्षा आयोजित हो रहा। शिक्षकों की बहाली नहीं हो रही। सो कक्षा होने का कोई मतलब नहीं रह गया है। ऐसे में इस 'सुधार' की समीक्षा के बाद आगे बढ़ने की कोशिश होती तो उसे ईमानदार कोशिश कह सकते थे। परन्तु बिना सेमेस्टर की समीक्षा किये विश्वविद्यालयों को 'सुधार' के अगले चरण में धकेलना देश की पूरी शिक्षा व्यवस्था को अंधे सुरंग में ले जाने की तैयारी ही कही जायेगी।

CBCS में देश के सभी विश्वविद्यालयों में एक ही प्रणाली यानी सेमेस्टर प्रणाली की बात कही गयी है। इसके साथ ही जिस बात पर सबसे ज्यादा जोर दिया गया है वह है विद्यार्थियों की एक संस्थान से दूसरे में आवाजाही (मोबिलिटी)। इसलिए एक मात्र प्रणाली सेमेस्टर के साथ ही मूल्यांकन के लिए एक ही पद्धति यानि कॉमन ग्रेडिंग सिस्टम एवं क्रेडिट ट्रांसफर की बात की गयी है। विद्यार्थियों के गुणों को अंक में निर्धारित करने की पद्धति को मूल्यांकन पद्धति कहते हैं। कहीं यह ग्रेडिंग से होता रहा है तो कहीं अंकों से। मूल्यांकन का जो भी तरीका रहा हो वह वहां के पढ़ाने वाले की योग्यता, छात्र-शिक्षक अनुपात, कोर्स, पुस्तकालय, पठन-पाठन के वातावरण आदि से सुनिश्चित होता है। भारत जैसे भेद भाव और विविधता वाले देश में एक ही शिक्षण और मूल्यांकन प्रणाली किसी भी तरह से सकारात्मक परिणाम नहीं दे सकता। तब यह सवाल महत्त्वपूर्ण हो जाता है कि क्या भारत में विद्यार्थियों की एक संस्थान से दूसरे में आवाजाही कोई समस्या है जिसका नुकसान उन्हें उठाना पर रहा है ? जिस भारत में आज भी जाति और लिंग के आधार पर भेदभाव हो रहा है और संसाधन के अभाव में बाहर जा पाना उनके लिए संभव नहीं हो, वहाँ इसे सबसे बड़ी समस्या के तौर पर पहचानना और उसके अनुकूल 'सुधार' करना - किसलिए ज़रूरी है ?यहाँ हमें CBCS के एक और पहलू 'विकल्प आधारित कोर्स' (चॉइस बेस्ड कोर्स) को समझना भी ज़रूरी है।सभी विश्वविद्यालयों के लिए एक सामान्य पाठ्यक्रम ढाँचा - फाउंडेशन, कोर, एलेक्टिव और एप्लीकेशन- का बनाया गया है। यह वही मॉडल है जिसे DU में FYUP के नाम पर लगाया गया था। जिसकी गुणवत्ता के हास्यास्पद होने को सभी शिक्षाविदों ने माना था। जिसे 2014 में वापस किया गया। इस सामान्य पाठ्यक्रम ढाँचे के लिए पिछले महीने ही UGC ने केंद्रीकृत तरीके से बनाये गए सिलेबस में मात्र 20 प्रतिशत फेरबदल के साथ लागू करने का निर्देश दिया है। यह भारत जैसे विविधता वाले देश में ज्ञान के वैविध्य को ही नष्ट करने का नजरिया है। हाल में ही छपे नयनजोत लाहिरी के लेख में इतिहास के पाठ्यक्रम से इसके हास्यास्पद होने को समझा जा सकता है। देश के सभी विश्वविद्यालय आखिर दिल्ली का इतिहास क्यों पढ़ें ? क्योंकि सिलेबस दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय का उठाकर ले लिया गया है इसलिए ? इसके साथ ही CBCS में स्किल बेस्ड/वोकेसनल कोर्स को भी शामिल करने का निर्देश दिया गया है।इसतरह हम कह सकते हैं कि CBCS में मुख्य रूप से 1. सेमेस्टर प्रणाली में मोड्यूलर कोर्स एवं सतत परीक्षण(कंटीन्यूअस इवैल्यूएशन), 2.क्रेडिट ट्रांसफर, 3. विकल्प आधारित कोर्स जिसमें "कैफेटेरिया एप्रोच" 4. कॉमन ग्रेडिंग सिस्टम, 5. सामान्य पाठ्यक्रम ढाँचा एवं उसके लिए केंद्रीकृत तरीके से तैयार सिलेबस जिसमें मात्र 20 प्रतिशत तक बदलाव किया जा सकता है, 6. व्यावसायिक/कौशल आधारित कोर्स को इसके साथ जोड़ना।अनुशासन आधारित पाठ्यक्रम में व्यावसायिक/कौशल शिक्षण को जोड़ने का यह ढाँचा अमेरिका के कॉम्युनिटी कॉलेज और विश्वविद्यालय के संयोजन का परिणाम है। एक दो पेपर पढ़कर व्यावसायिक शिक्षण एवं कौशल का निर्माण संभव नहीं होगा, हाँ अनुशासन के कुछ पेपर कम ज़रूर हो जायेंगे।तब एक बार फिर इसपर विचार ज़रूरी है कि आखिर क्यों इसे जबरन थोपने की कोशिश की जा रही है ? इसके पीछे की राजनीति क्या है ? किसे इसका फायदा होगा ? तब इसका एक ही उत्तर है कि जो हाल पिछले सालों में सरकारी स्कूलों एवं अस्पतालों का किया गया वही हाल उच्च शिक्षा के साथ किया जा रहा है। सरकारी स्कूल और अस्पताल बर्बाद होने के साथ ही निजी स्कूलों और अस्पतालों का विस्तार हुआ। वैश्वीकरण की नीति है - पूँजी का मुनाफे के लिए एक राष्ट्र से दूसरे राष्ट्र में बेरोकटोक आवाजाही। सो अब बारी है उच्च शिक्षा की। उसमें देशी-विदेशी पूँजी के निवेश की। अब तक शिक्षा में मुनाफा कमाने की इजाज़त नहीं थी। 12 वीं योजना में इसे भी खोलने की तैयारी कर ली गयी है। तमाम बिल पार्लियामेंट में पास नहीं हो पाने की वजह से अटके पड़े हैं, सो UGC के जरिये इन्हें पीछे के रास्ते से लाया जा रहा। राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा नीति को बिना बदले ये सभी बदलाव किये जा रहे। RUSA के नाम पर पहले राज्य सरकारों को पैसा दिया गया और फिर उन्हें मजबूर कर दिया गया कि CBCS को स्वीकार करें।जब तक समान शैक्षणिक सुविधाएँ नहीं होंगी, तब तक समान शैक्षणिक कार्यक्रम बची खुची शैक्षणिक व्यवस्था को भी ख़त्म कर देगा। असल में सरकार की नीयत है मुनाफा कमाने के लिए उच्च शिक्षा को देशी विदेशी पूँजी के हवाले कर देने की। विभिन्न सरकारी संस्थानों के इंफ्रास्ट्रक्चर का इस्तेमाल देशी विदेशी पूँजी के लिए करने की यह तैयारी है। PPP का मॉडल उच्च शिक्षा में करने का यह रास्ता है।इसकी संरचना में अध्यापकों की स्थायी नियुक्ति संभव नहीं है। जैसा चॉइस विद्यार्थी लेंगे उसके अनुरूप कॉन्ट्रैक्ट पर नियुक्तियाँ होंगी। खर्च को कम करने के लिए तकनीक का प्रयोग करने की इसमें योजना है। अध्यापकों का विकल्प रिकॉर्डिंग और इंटरनेट एवं कंप्यूटर से शिक्षण होगा। इससे बहुत साफ़ संकेत है कि इस पूरी व्यवस्था में चॉइस उसके पास है जिसके पास पैसा होगा। जो कर्ज लेकर पढ़ने की क्षमता रखेगा, उसके लिए यह व्यवस्था होगी। इस व्यवस्था में जहाँ एक संस्थान से दूसरे में क्रेडिट ट्रांसफर के जरिये आवाजाही हो सकेगा - चाहे वह पब्लिक हो या प्राइवेट - तब सामाजिक न्याय को कैसे सुनिश्चित किया जायेगा ? कुलमिलाकर अगर देखें तो CBCS एक बार फिर से नयी तरीके की जाति व्यवस्था को जन्म देगा, जिसमें सिर्फ पैसे वालों के लिए उच्च शिक्षा होगी। CBCS कुछ नहीं बल्कि स्वाधीनता आंदोलन से निकले समानता और कल्याणकारी व्यवस्था के अंत की घोषणा एवं बाज़ार आधारित शिक्षा व्यवस्था की तैयारी है।

1857 विद्रोह की 158वीं वर्षगांठ के अवसर प्रदर्शनी तथा दीप प्रज्वलित

देहरादून, 10 मई 2015

आज स्टूडेंट्स फेडरेशन ऑफ़ इंडिया (SFI) राज्य कमेटी द्वारा 1857 की 158वीं वर्षगांठ के अवसर पर विद्रोह की इतिहास पर एक विस्तारित प्रदर्शनी आम जनता के अवलोकनार्थ हेतु गाँधी पार्क के मुख्य द्वार पर प्रदर्शित की गयी |

प्रदर्शनी का मुख्य उद्देश्य आम जनता को आजादी के आन्दोलन में 1857 के विद्रोह की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका के सन्दर्भ में विस्तार से अवगत कराना था | 1857 का विद्रोह ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य द्वारा हिन्दुस्तानी जनता पर किये गये अत्याचारों का प्रतीक है, अंग्रेजों द्वारा हिन्दुस्तानी जनता यहाँ तक कि अंग्रेजो की सेना में सांप्रदायिक आधार पर विभाजन करने की साजिश के परिणाम स्वरूप 29 मार्च 1857 को बैरकपुर में सेना के विद्रोह से शुरू होकर पुरे देश के मुख्य हिस्सों में जनविद्रोह के रूप में परिवर्तित हुआ, अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ इस विद्रोह में सभी धर्म मजहबों व् क्षेत्रों के लोगों ने बढ़-चढ़ कर हिस्सेदारी की तथा साझी सहादत साझी विरासत की नीवं रखी, इस एकता के चलते अंग्रेज समझ गये थे कि वे हिंदुस्तान पर ज्यादा दिन तक राज नही कर सकते इस लिए उन्होंने देश की जनता को विभाजित करने के लिए तरह-तरह के हथकंडे अपनाये हालाँकि 1857 का विद्रोह अंग्रेजों के भारी दमन का शिकार हुआ तथा इस विद्रोह को अंग्रेजों द्वारा विफल किया गया किन्तु आजादी क आन्दोलन में 1857 मील का पत्थर साबित हुआ |

 इस विद्रोह में सैनिकों द्वारा मेरठ छावनी में 10 मई को विद्रोह कर दिल्ली कूच कर 11 मई 1857 को दिल्ली पर सैनिको ने कब्ज़ा किया तथा हिंदुस्तान के अंतिम मुगल शासक बहादुर शाह जफ़र को अपना नेता चुनकर संप्रादियक एकता की मिसाल कायम करी |

इस अवसर पर स्टूडेंट्स फेडरेशन ऑफ़ इंडिया (SFI) द्वारा १८५७ के शहीदों को याद करते हुए उनके सम्मान में गाँधी पार्क में प्रदर्शनी के स्थान पर दीप प्रज्वलित कर दो मिनट का मौन रखा, 1857 के वीर शहीदों को श्रधांजलि देते हुए युवाओं को सन्देश दिया की वे आजादी के ऐतिहासिक आन्दोलन में 1857 के शहीदों के महत्वपूर्ण योगदान को समझने के लिए वर्तमान चुनोतियों को देखते हुए शिक्षा व् रोजगार के संघर्षों को आगे बढाने के लिए एकजुट होकर आगे आये, प्रदर्शनी में भारी संख्या में छात्र-छात्राओं, युवाओं, बुजुर्गो व् आम जनता ने शिरकत की |

इस अवसर पर स्टूडेंट्स फेडरेशन ऑफ़ इंडिया (SFI) के अभिषेक भंडारी, देवेन्द्र रावल, हिमांशु, राजेश चौहान, पुलकित, नितिन मलेथा, वंदना, नितेश खंतवाल, अतुल कान्त, रवि बिष्ट, प्रियंका, अनिल तथा वामपंथी नेता लेखराज, अनंत आकश, एस.एस.रजवार, टिका प्रसाद पोखरियाल आदि उपस्थित थे |

‘Combat commercialisation and Communalisation of education- Intensify Struggles’ March to parliament on 26th February

During general election of 2014, students of our country were hoping for a change in the policies at the centre because there was great anger against the UPA government’s policies during the last ten years. New government came to office on a high note and media was busy in projecting a new era in Indian History. Our prime Minister on various occasions in his vibrant and imaginary speeches also promised big changes. Gradually time has passed but nothing has changed on ground, apart from repetition of speeches and declarations. After this span of six months public of the country along with students’ community is facing the heat of the same anti-people policies like the UPA government which are being pursued with even greater pace by the BJP-led NDA.

   Our Prime minister is mostly busy in foreign visits and state elections. But even in his busy schedule whenever he finds time he attends parliament to introduce anti people polices. Generally he loves to do this through ordinance passed in cabinet without discussing it in the parliament. It suits their ideology as well as saves them from the discussions and questions of representatives of largest democracy of world. In the last six months there has not been any appreciable growth in GDP, problem of price hike remains unaddressed. BJP government has showed its commitment to foreign finance capital and cap on foreign direct investment has been increased in defence, insurance, health, while coal, railways and other sectors are on privatisation agenda as well. 

   BJP is busy to distract the attention of common public from these agendas through religious polarisation, issues like Love Jehad and Ghar Vapsi. In fact RSS lead BJP is creating such an environment throughout the country where people are not able to identify root cause of their sufferings. Leaving aside all present problems there is an emphasis to glorify our past. For this they are ready to rewrite history. To hide the weaknesses of our social composition, blame is given to the invaders or more precisely to other religions. This is the reason when RSS family is championing the idea that root cause of sufferings of the dalits in India is the miuslim invaders in our past. Otherwise it is known fact that this saffron brigade is very much committed to the Chatur Varna and Manu Samriti. 

   In the education sector also BJP government is pursuing the same agenda of commercialisation. But more dangerously central government is also taking agenda of communalisation of education very seriously. 

State of education 

Enrolment levels are high in primary education covered under Right to Education (i.e. 6 to 14 years), but there is high dropout. 15.9% of boys and 17.3% of girls of age 15 to 16 year olds are currently out of school. 27% students drop out after V, and 41% drop out after VIII. According to the official census of 2011, 8 Crore children are out of school. 

   Students who are going to school even those can’t be said to in the right track of educating themselves. This is reflected buy the achievement level of students revealed in ‘The Annual Status on education Report 2014’ of NGO Pratham. According to ASER in 2014, in class III, only a fourth of all children can read a class II text fluently. This number rises to just under half in class V. Even in Standard VIII, close to 75% children can read class II level text (which implies that 25% still cannot).

   For maths also in 2014, at 25.3% of class III children could do a two digit subtraction.  For Standard V children, the ability to do division is 26.1% in 2014. The percentage of children in class II who still cannot recognize numbers up to 9 has increased over time, from 11.3% in 2009 to 19.5% in 2014. In 2014, about 25% of children enrolled in Std V could read simple English sentences. This number is virtually unchanged since 2009. Std VIII could read simple sentences in English (2014,) this figure is 46.8%.

In higher studies Gross enrolment rate is 20.7%. The GER for males (22.1) is higher than GER for females (19.4), resulting in the gender parity index (GPI) of 0.88. There are a total of 687 universities across the country, with state public universities constituting the highest share (44.5%). Out of this 344 are general universities (55.4% of total), 88 technical universities (14.2%), 68 other universities (11.1%), 38 agricultural universities (6.1%), 29 medical universities (4.7%) and 18 law universities (2.9%) with all other universities comprising (5.6%). India has a total of 34,852 colleges (7.7%). Apart from this there are 11,157 stand-alone institutions. Stand-alone Institutions are those that are outside the purview of the university & college and they require recognition from one or other statutory bodies. As can be inferred, the highest share of enrolment (81.7%) is at under-graduate level, followed by post-graduate (9.1%) and Diploma (7.6%), with all other levels forming only 1.6%.

   If we analyse this enrolment in relation to our social structure we will find a different picture. Females are 48.5% of the population of India but their enrolment as student is only 44.6%. The GER of SCs is 12.2% which are having 19.9% share of population and STs is 4.5% having 8.6% share of population. Same trend is seen for OBC and Muslim minorities, OBC’s are 42.3% of population having 30.1% of enrolment and Muslims are 12.9% of population having 7.0% of enrolment as student. Not only in enrolment as students but as faculty and non teaching staff, these social differences are reflected. Females are only 39.0% of teaching and 26.8% of non teaching staff (48.5% of population). SC’s have 6.9% of teaching and 12.4% of non teaching staff. ST’s have 2% of teaching and 3.5 % of non teaching staff. Muslims are 3.1% of teaching and 3.2 % of non teaching staff (Annual Status of Higher Education of states and UT’s in India, 2014). 

New Education Policy of BJP

   Our MHRD minister is continuously campaigning for new education policy. But till now there has been no discussion on the form and structure of this new education policy. May be it is being planned in closed doors under the chairmanship of Dina Nath Batra. But primary indications are conveying that this so called New Education Policy will only be the extension of old agenda of privatisation adding a fresh flavour of saffronisation. After the withdrawal of Four Year Under graduation Programme in Delhi University with active involvement of UGC and MHRD, there were impression that long struggle of students and teachers of Delhi University will be successful. Next step this process was the removal of Vice Chancellor of Delhi University as enough proves were provided to UGC and MHRD about his financial and administrative corruption along with his undemocratic style of functioning. But quite amazingly VC has managed the ministry by pleasing RSS persons through various social functions, where these RSS functionary were invited as guests. Also it looks like VC has given commitment to implement the agenda of safronisation of education. 

   MHRD has taken a U turn on his position and has issued a notice to universities to strengthen semester system and to implement ‘Choice Based Credit System’. This CBCS is nothing but the blue print of the provisions of FYUP to be completed in three years. This reflects the commitment of this government to the same agenda and withdrawal of FYUP only a political stunt. The CBCS is only a cafeteria-approach based system which is designed facilitates “seamless student-mobility” between courses and universities. It is identical in its course structure to the FYUP (repeat pattern of Foundation, Core and Elective Courses), except the fourth year. It will lead to continuous fluctuation and flux in workload, particularly in light of the fact that there is no proposal to change the rigid workload norms for creating teaching posts. Basically this system is designed on the basis of American system which runs on students’ loan and on the shoulders of add-on professors (contractual). This is only to woo and facilitate the foreign institution in India. 

RUSA

   Any discussion education is not complete without the mush problematic campaign ‘RUSA’. There is much discussion on the provisions of RUSA. But the experience of its implementation has proved our concerns. In the states where it is fully implemented like Himachal Pradesh and Assam, there a colossal discontentment is there in student and teaching faculty. whole of the education process right from class room teaching to evaluation of examination is in pathetic condition. In Himachal Pradesh students have been awarded scores of 70% without even appearing in the exams. There are gross irregularities. Numbers of teaching hours have drastically reduced. There is very less time for co curricular activities like sports, culture, NCC and NSS. We have already witnesses a broad based and very strong opposition to this scheme. But BJP government is not ready to take any lessons and is on the same way of last central government. Implementation of CBCS is also a step in this direction. 

Commercialisation of education

   Indian education system is already over commercialised, which is having adverse impact on the reach of students from poor and middle class. An important step for commercialisation of education was taken by the last NDA government when in 2004, just before its electoral defeat, the BJP-led coalition compromised a constitutional right and offered education as a consumable commodity to the World Trade Organisation General Agreement on Trade and Tariff process, thereby drastically diluting the state’s responsibility in education and opening the door to privatisation. 

   Presently contrary to the general belief our education system is running by the private players whose motive is only to cater degrees and earn profits. There is rampant privatisation of education in India which is replacing the government education system. It is quite deliberate on the part of successive governments which provided favourable environment to flourish these private players and extract huge amounts from the students. Even after the implementation of Right to Education through long struggles the pace of privatisation is on increase. This private education is not only commercial but also unequal as private schools never follows the norms of social justice. This privatisation is on continuous rise. In the year 2005 there were 17% private school in rural India. This percentage rouse up to 27% in 2013 and this number has reached to 30.8% in 2014. Percentage of girls and boys clearly conveys the impact of privatisation of education on girls. In 2014, in the age group 7-10 years, 35.6% of boys are enrolled in private schools as compared with 27.7% of girls. For the age group of 11-14 years, 33.5% of boys are in private schools as compared to 25.9% of girls.

   The pace of privatisation is more rapid in the area of higher studies. More than half of the students’ enrolled in higher education today are under private educational institutions. 66% of students in general education and 75-80% in technical education are enrolled in private, self-financing institutions (Planning Commission document, 2013). These institutions are taking huge fees from the students apparently students from the backward and poor sections are not able to access these institution. These private institutions either in primary sector or higher education are not ready to implement the provisions of social justice like reservation. There is no control over the admission process and fee structure by the governments. Recently in Delhi NCR, court has given freedom to schools to decide their admission parameters. There is a provision of admission of economically backward candidates in these schools but it has become another way for money making. Most of the seats are vacant in the schools. 

   Commercialization of education has already led to huge distortions in the educational landscape, both social as well as spatial. Education priorities cannot be left to vagaries of market forces. Commercialization entails that quality education becomes synonymous with affordability. The goals of equity and inclusion, the fundamental pillars of policy making in any democracy, might be the first casualties if unbridled profit making is instituted as a norm for the educational institutions in the private sector.

   This is a very dangerous condition in a social welfare state where through different committees it is suggested that fee hike should not be there but at the same time it is there. One of such recommendation came from Kothari Commission. It stated, “It is undesirable to regard fees as a source of revenue. They are the most regressive form of taxation; fall more heavily on the poorer classes of society and act as an anti-egalitarian force.” 

Private education widens inequalities not only in education, but also in economic and social spheres. After all, no private institution in India will be ready to promote equity on a satisfactory level, grant access to the weaker section, or provide liberal scholarships. Education loans have replaced scholarships in policy discourses on higher education. It is argued that even needy students need not be given scholarships; instead, they can be asked to go for education loans. 

Communalisation of education

   Communalisation of education for communalising the whole society is an integral part of the New Education Policy of Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani as introduced by her in a symposium titled 'Restructuring of our education system with Bharatiya perspective of values' in Hyderabad. According to her Indian education policy is not relevant in present time so “a new education policy is required to build a resurgent nation which would be stronger, resilient and humane”. This new education policy is much inspired by the ideological source of RSS i.e. Hitler who believed in the phrase 'catch them young'. The Nazis lead by Hitler also had done similar experiments with education system and had changed the entire educational syllabus to pursue their agenda of racial hatred and Aryan supremacy. 

   If we analyse the developments of last six months this intension of RSS/BJP becomes clear. Much has been discussed about the political commitment of BJP to this agenda and acceptance by BJP leaders in open and even in parliament. 

   Using education to corrupt the future generations is an art that Hitler had perfected with the phrase, 'catch them young'. The Nazis had changed the entire educational syllabus to pursue their agenda of racial hatred and Aryan supremacy. It is the same phrase and similar ideology that inspires RSS and BJP to use education as a tool to indoctrinate the young minds with communal venom. Leaders of the BJP are on record announcing their intention to change the textbooks and syllabus. Special incharge for this project is Dinanath Batra, National President of the RSS-affiliated Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas (SSUN). We are not discussing here Batra’s views and content of books written by him which are presenting a whole new science and history in front of students with a specific communal agenda.  

   In the last NDA government these kinds of efforts were also there. But present BJP government is much more aggressive and staunch. Because presently Prime Minister is heading the comparing and teaching new science not only to general public but also to the topmost doctors and scientists of India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while addressing a group of scientists in Mumbai, claimed that organ transplantation was known in ancient India-he gave Ganesha with his elephant head and human torso as an example. Surprisingly nobody was there to resist the statement. Second example is of 102nd Indian Science Congress in Mumbai, in front of top most scientists in a symposium on “Ancient Sciences through Sanskrit” he said that India had jumbo aircraft that flew between continents and planets 9,000 years ago (some 4,500 years before Harappa and Mohen Jodaro). Message is very clear, when scientific fraternity can’t resist all this rubbish, a new science will be taught to young minds which will gradually convert them into a creature without any rational content and a mere follower, ready weapon for religious war. 

Budget

   Education is not priority for any government at centre whether it UPA or present BJP government. That is reflected by the by the allocation for education in the successive central and state budgets.  The 10% budgetary allocation and 6% of GDP expenditure on education continues to remain an elusive dream and tall claims of expansion in terms of numbers fall flat when we see the actual allocations, which have remained more or less stagnant in the absolute monetary terms. 

   Same trend is also followed by the Modi led BJP government in their first general budget.  The UGC has borne the brunt of a serious assault by the government with a drastic 32% cut even in absolute terms. Even after adding the allocation for the Rashtriya Uchcha Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA) (a problematic scheme in itself) along with the allocation for the UGC, the fund cut amounts to nearly 5% in real terms. Technical education has suffered a 12% fund cut in real terms. Science education and research would suffer as the allocation for the Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research has been cut by 15%. The direct result of such fund cuts will be the deterioration in the quality of public education in the country, and can be seen only as a precursor to further commercialisation and privatisation of education, thus rendering education inaccessible to the vast majority of students in the country.  Even in the revised budget estimates for year 14-15 government has reduced the funds on higher education to the extent of Rs. 3900 crore. 

   Per student public expenditure on higher education in nominal terms has increased in the post-independence period but the real expenditure has registered a negative growth for the period from 1990-91 to 2002-03. States such as Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka and Goa show consistent increase in expenditure, while Gujarat, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh show declining expenditure. 

Democratic rights and Lyngdoh

   Political activism of students will always remain an essential part of a healthy university. University administrations should actively encourage student participation in university affairs. University faculties need to do more to cultivate critical and heretical ideas about the world we live in. And students need to participate actively in asserting their critical role in the university.

   Democratic rights of the students in the campuses are facing a very serious threat with the onset of the neo-liberal era. The Birla Ambani Report (2000) and the proposed Model Act for Universities during the tenure of the BJP-led NDA government viewed students’ unions as an impediment in the path of implementing the privatisation and commercialisation agenda. In the name of preserving the academic ethos, they took a stand against elections. Due to widespread opposition, both these initiatives were eventually dropped.

   Lyngdoh committee, in its report submitted on May 23, 2006 upheld the right of student organisations to work freely among students. It advised flexibility in the conduct of elections to students’ unions as per the requirements of different campuses. In fact, the Lyngdoh committee made it mandatory for all educational institutions, including private ones, to hold students’ union elections in some form or the other.

   However, most educational institutions in our country continue to ignore these basic recommendations of the Lyngdoh committee. Even at the stage of preparing its report, the committee anticipated this problem. It felt that certain state governments prohibit political activity or students’ union elections and that it would “be prudent for the central government and/or the Hon’ble Supreme Court to lead the way in the matter, and to impress upon the concerned state governments the need for a healthy student democracy, and, consequently, the need to amend any prohibitory statutes that may be in place.” Unfortunately, no proactive measure has been undertaken by the judiciary or the central government against the violation of this basic recommendation. Student union elections are currently held in only few states and 10 central Universities. Recently elections in Himachal Pradesh University and affiliated colleges have been banned. Erosion of the democratic rights of teachers and students has become an indispensable part of the neo-liberal assault on public education. We have to take this issue of democracy seriously in university centres. There is also a need to review the recommendations of Lyngdoh committee itself. 

   This is the burning situation of Indian education system which is n more deteriorating in the BJP regime. Being a responsible students’ organisation it’s our responsible to take the challenge and organise students against these policies to wage a strong struggle. Keeping this in mind Central Committee of Students’ Federation of India will be organising a national protest on 26ht February at Parliament with a slogan “Combat commercialisation and Communalisation of education- Intensify Struggles”. 

देहरादून में पुलिस द्वारा BED TET पास प्रशिक्षितों पर लाठी चार्ज करने पर SFI कड़ी भर्त्सना करती है

शिक्षकों की भर्ती में पद बढ़ाने की मांग को लेकर सचिवालय पर शांतिपूर्ण ढंग से प्रदर्शन करते हुए कूच करते बीएड टीईटी प्रशिक्षित बेरोजगारों पर पुलिस द्वारा लाठी चार्ज किया गया जिसके कारण बहुत से साथी घायल हुए और कई साथियों को गंभीर चोटे भी आई है, SFI, लाठी चार्ज की कड़ी भर्त्सना करती है
उत्तराखंड में हरीश रावत सरकार बेरोजगारों की समस्याओं को हल करने के बजाये दमनात्मक कार्यवाही कर रही है, हम मांग करते है कि BED TET पास प्रशिक्षितों की जायज मांगों को सरकार तत्काल पूरा करे अन्यथा SFI अन्य जनसंगठनों को साथ लेकर प्रशिक्षितों के हो रहे उत्पीडन के खिलाफ राज्य सरकार के खिलाफ आन्दोलन करेगी |

समाज कल्याण से Students को मिलने वाली Scholarship में अनियमितता के सन्दर्भ में

आज दिनांक 08 अक्टूबर 2014 को एस.ऍफ़.आई. देहरादून जिला कमेटी कि बैठक आयोजित कि गयी जिसमे प्रदेश में शिक्षा ग्रहण कर रहे उत्तर प्रदेश के छात्र-छात्राओं को उत्तर प्रदेश समाज कल्याण के द्वारा प्रदत्त दशमोत्तर छात्रवृति के आवेदन का जटिलीकरण व् देहरादून व् राज्य में विभिन्न शिक्षण संस्थानों व् विश्विधालयों द्वारा समय से आवेदन न हो पाने के कारण छात्र समुदाय के समक्ष आ रही कठिनाइयों को लेकर बैठक में परिचर्चा कि गयी |

जैसा कि विदित है कि इस वर्ष उत्तर प्रदेश समाज कल्याण विभाग ने प्रदेश से बाहर शिक्षा ग्रहण कर रहे छात्र-छात्राओं के शिक्षण संस्थानों को निर्देशित करते हुए कहा था कि वो 15 जुलाई 2014 तक अपने शिक्षण संस्थानों में शिक्षा ग्रहण कर रहे SC,ST, OBC एवं निर्धन सामान्य वर्ग के छात्र-छात्राओं का दशमोत्तर छात्रवृति का आवेदन नवीन प्रक्रिया (Online Form) के तहत सम्पूर्ण विवरण शीघ्र-अति-शीघ्र उपलब्ध करा दे, परन्तु प्रदेश के गिने-चुने शिक्षण संस्थानों ने ही उपरोक्त आवेदन किया है और राज्य के तमाम शिक्षण संस्थानों, यहाँ तक कि राज्य के प्रतिष्ठित महाविधालय डी.ए.वी. पी.जी. कॉलेज, डी.बी.एस.पी.जी.कॉलेज, एम्.के.पी. एवं दून विश्वविधालय, और उत्तराखंड तकनिकी विश्वविधालय और अन्य निजी शिक्षण संस्थानों जैसे- सरदार भगवान् सिंह पीजी. कॉलेज, IMS विश्वविधालय जैसे तमाम निजी शिक्षण संस्थानों ने उपरोक्त जानकारी सम्पूर्ण विवरण अभी तक नही दिया है, जिसके कारण आज उत्तर प्रदेश के हजारों युवा छात्रवृति आवेदन करने से वंचित रह गये,

 

अत: उपरोक्त बैठक में सर्व सम्मति से ये निर्णय लिया गया कि:

1. उत्तर प्रदेश समाज कल्याण विभाग को ज्ञापन द्वारा उक्त आवेदन प्रक्रिया कि तिथि 31 अक्टूबर से आगे बढाकर 30 नम्वबर 2014 कि मांग कि जाएगी, ताकि आवेदन से वंचित छात्र-छात्राए छात्रवृति के लिए आवेदन कर पाए | 
2.  उत्तराखंड प्रदेश के विश्वविधालय और शिक्षण संस्थानों को ज्ञापन के माध्यम से अवगत कराया जायेगा ताकि शीघ्र-अति-शीघ्र आवेदन करने के लिए एक अभियान चलाया जा सके | 
3. एस.ऍफ़.आई. मांग करती है कि जिन शिक्षण संस्थानों ने 15 जुलाई 2014 तक आवेदन नही किया था उनके खिलाफ उत्तराखंड प्रदेश सरकार उचित दंडात्मक कार्यवाही करे | 
4.  छात्रवृति प्रक्रिया के लिए online form के आवेदन में सरलीकरण किया जाये ताकि सभी छात्र-छात्राएं एस योजना से लाभान्वित हो सके |

इसके साथ ही S.F.I. के जिलाध्यक्ष विपिन जोशी ने फोनवार्ता से उत्तर प्रदेश समाज कल्याण के उपनिदेशक श्री पी.के.त्रिपाठी को उक्त समस्या के सन्दर्भ अवगत कराया | इस सन्दर्भ में उत्तर प्रदेश समाज कल्याण के उपनिदेशक श्री पी.के.त्रिपाठी ने बताया कि आपके प्रदेश के शिक्षण संस्थानों के अज्ञानता के कारण ये समस्या उत्पन्न हुई है तथा उन्होंने इस समस्या के निस्तारण के लिए सकारत्मक प्रतिक्रिया दी है |

उपरोक्त प्रकरण में एस.ऍफ़.आई. जिला कमेटी ने सामूहिक निर्णय लेते हुए कहा कि यदि दोनों प्रदेश सरकारे ( उत्तराखंड और उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार ) आपस में तालमेल के माध्यम से शीघ्र-अति-शीघ्र उक्त समस्या का निस्तारण नही करती है तो S.F.I. उग्र आन्दोलन के लिए बाध्य होगी |

इस बैठक में राज्य सह-सचिव अभिषेक भंडारी, डी.ए.वी. छात्रसंघ कि सह सचिव वंदना गुसाईं व् कोषाध्यक्ष अनीता नेगी, जिला सचिव देवेन्द्र रावल, राजेश चौहान हिमांशु चौहान, विकास भट्ट, कवराज, नितिन बौंठियाल, अतुल कान्त, नितेश और सौरभ, प्रियंका, आयुषी, नवीन कवी आदि कार्यकर्त्ता उपस्थित थे |